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Copyright
© 1958 Lithuanian
Students Association, Inc. June, 1958 Vol. 4, No. 2 Managing Editor P. V. Vygantas |
Editorial
No other subject in the U. S. A. has
been recently the cause of such great expectations, vague rejoicing and
exasperating generalizations than that of "cultural exchanges". Some
visionaries are already foreseeing a bright future for the world, once
a certain number of symphonic orchestras, ballets and delegations of
agricultural experts exchange a certain quota of visits. The people of
East and West — so it goes — will meet each other as people, will see
that the other people are but people and the resulting goodwill will
melt the cold war and prevent other wars.
The trouble with this assumption is
its basic correctness. Any genuine exchanges are bound to be in the
favor of the West, as the Soviet system maintains itself by seclusion,
sterilization, distortion and om-mission. Yet it is equally true that,
if the Soviets are permitted to rig and limit the exchanges to suit
their purposes and if the West displays here the same inertia and lack
of imagination as it frequently does in international affairs,
international communism is bound to profit.
The lack of normal contacts between
the people of the free world and of the Soviet orbit is not a result of
"misunderstandings" or "susp'cions," but is an outcome of an arbitrary
act by the Soviet government perpetrated with the aim to preserve its
power. Neither is the cold war due to the fact that "people don't know
each other." It is due, mainly, to the inherent expansiveness of an
empire bent on nothing less than world conquest and using its
centralized apparatus of propaganda and subversion for that purpose.
Arts and artists are, as repeatedly admitted by the Soviets themselves,
only tools in services of this apparatus.
The Soviets know very well that in
this contest of "cultural exchanges" many odds are against them.
Therefore, in planning their moves, they put great store in the hoped
for naivete of the populations of the free countries and the quiescence
of their gov-enments. Their strategy is crystal-clear: to foster
exchanges of collective bodies (easily supervised), thus to create
goodwill for the Soviet system and, in turn, to translate that goodwill
into political gains. Once — the Soviets hope, in the public opinion of
the West the image of Khrushchev will merge with that of Galina
Ulanova, the Western people shall become more reluctant to maintain
their guard and shall exert a greater pressure on their governments for
"disarmament" and "summit talks" on Soviet terms. On the other hand,
the Soviets are doing their best to avoid any influx of non-Communist
ideas into their empire and to prevent any dialogue between Westerners
and Communist-ruled people, except the reliable hard core of the Party
bureaucracy. Thus, a Soviet literary NKVD man and informer B. Polevoi
recently appeared in the White Hcuse with a gift on behalf of "Soviet
war veterans," while middle aged party stalwarts were visiting New York
under the pretense of representing the Soviet academic youth.
Meeting of ideas and of people — this
is the area where the free world must do its best to expand cultural
exchanges. Unfortunately, many planners in the West seem to be too
absorbed in "tit for tat" exchanges (fifty orchestra members for fifty
ballerinas, etc.) to see the heart of the matter. The successes of
Philadelphia symphony, Van Cliburn or the U.S. basketballers are
excellent news. But where are the efforts to rcach the youth of the
Communist-ruled countries, where ere the publications issued especially
for the captive people that would mirror the richness and diversity of
thought in the West?
And here, pro domo sua, we must come
to another huge oversight. In this year 1958, the government that
depicts itself as the apostle of co-existence and cultural exchanges,
is keeping an entire nation — Lithuania — under lock and key. Not a
single non-Communist newspaperman has been admitted into Lithuania
since the second Soviet occupation in 1944; tourists from the West,
plain and famous, are detoured from this country (only some Asian
delegations, unfamiliar with Lithuania's past, are given quick
Potem-kin tours); no Western orchestras or theatre groups are seen on
Lithuanian stages; no non-Communist books and newspapers are available
to the public. Lithuanians are not permitted to travel in the West,
except in commissar-shepherded groups.
The harshness of these Soviet actions
are a reflection of their incessant fear of the Lithuanian resistance
spirit and allegiance to freedom and democracy. Yet the infamous thing
is not only that the Soviets do it; it is also that free world does not
challenge it.